There is currently a widespread occurrence of military coups taking place in Africa. Gabon, a central African nation, joined the ranks of African countries experiencing military coups on 30 August 2023. This makes it the sixth country in the past three years to undergo such a coup.
The previous countries affected include Niger (July 2023), Burkina Faso (January and September 2022), Sudan (October 2021), Chad (April 2021), Guinea (September 2021), and Mali (August 2020 and May 2021).
Although military takeovers in Africa have been a recurring phenomenon, the coups that have occurred in the previous three years have displayed a distinct new characteristic. The majority of them have obtained support and de facto recognition from the populace. Although each coup is distinct, its origins may generally be attributed to deficiencies in democracy and the failure of elected administrations to provide freedom, security, and progress. The majority of these coups have occurred within the framework of unsuccessful military tactics aimed at dealing with insurgencies, as well as due to the prevailing anti-French sentiment in former colonies such as Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Gabon.
This sentiment stems from years of disapproval towards French foreign policy, which has involved backing dictatorships and engaging in economic interventions that are seen as prioritizing French interests over the well-being of local communities. Recently, criticism has arisen as a result of France’s unsuccessful military actions in the Sahel region.
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The coup leaders have used past democratic leaders’ shortcomings as justification for their acts. The coup leaders in Sudan asserted that internal strife within the civilian government of transition posed a threat to national stability.
Military authorities in Gabon said that the coup was caused by a lack of legitimacy for the elections scheduled for August 2023. The coup planners in Niger attributed the country’s increasing levels of insecurity to a stagnating economy, even though pre-coup research indicated that the counter-insurgency approach was the most effective in the area.
According to the Global Terrorism Index compiled by the Institute for Economics and Peace, the military regimes in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Chad hold the belief that their primary objective in seizing power is to restore security and ensure stability. These three countries are among the nations that have been most affected by terrorism. Each of them maintains that the deterioration of security within their respective nations justifies the execution of extreme measures, many of which are in direct opposition to their claims to preserve human rights. A decree was issued by the junta in Burkina Faso on April 13, 2023, which granted the junta the ability to curtail certain human liberties under certain circumstances.
Specific human rights duties must be clearly identified, and safeguards must be implemented to protect against the infringement of rights. These restrictions must adhere to exacting requirements, which include explicitly specifying the specific human rights obligations concerned. The requirement that such acts be unusual, temporary, impartial, and proportionate is one of these elements. However, this is not the only factor that falls under this category; compliance with national legislation is also included.
During the recent elections in Gabon, where former President Ali Bongo won a third seven-year term in contested polls, military leaders cited a lack of legitimacy in the elections as the cause for the coup. Protagonists of a coup in Niger pointed the finger at escalating insecurity and a stagnating economy. Nevertheless, in spite of the fact that they are popular and have been justified, the coups have not been successful in bringing about stability and have instead made the situation worse in terms of human rights and economic conditions.
Unjustified apprehensions and incarcerations
It has been reported that civilian authorities in the countries of Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Niger, and Gabon have been placed under house arrest or incarceration without a predetermined length of time, and in many cases, they have not been charged under any circumstances. After being kept under house arrest for more than two months following the coup d’état that was carried out against him, Roch Kaboré, the former president of Burkina Faso, was finally released from custody on April 6, 2022.
On the 26th of July, the former president of Niger was placed under house arrest, and former officials of his government were also taken into custody. Detentions are required to comply with international legal principles, which stipulate that legal proceedings must be carried out under the supervision of a judge in order to ensure that they are fair, suitable, and predictable.
It is also a requirement of international standards that those who are detained should be given the option to consult with legal counsel and speak with their family members. In addition, it is anticipated that they will be brought before a member of the judicial authority as soon as possible.
Disproportionate force and non-violent protest restrictions
Coup authorities have banned civil society and political party protests except in Bamako, Niamey, and Ouagadougou. They violently dispersed peaceful protestors in Chad, violating residents’ right to gather. Between 2022 and 2023, Sudanese soldiers killed many demonstrators with excessive force.
Guinean security police have repeatedly foiled coup protests and abused protesters. Regional and international law allows restrictions on freedom of assembly only when authorities find a valid and reasonable threat.
Attacks on press freedom
Military harassment, intimidation, and attacks on junta-critical media are escalating worries. On August 3, Nigerien coup leaders shut down France 24 and RFI. The junta has repeatedly suspended local and international media outlets for propagating false information regarding security forces’ human rights abuses.
Two French reporters were exiled from Burkina Faso after the coup. After the 2021 coup, Mali authorities have charged human rights actors with instrumentalization and politicization for repeatedly attributing civilian deaths to the military.
Impunity and rising human rights violations
Coup leaders have also failed to address allegations of serious human rights violations. In Chad, following the crackdown on protests on 20 October 2022, authorities did not conduct credible investigations of reports of killings, deaths in detention, and torture. In Mali, armed forces and the Russian Wagner Group have been accused of killing civilians in Moura.
Despite the deteriorating security situation supposedly motivating the coups, allegations of civilian casualties during counterterrorism operations have been mounting in Burkina Faso. In Sudan, the coup leaders have made every effort to protect themselves and avoid accountability for crimes committed during the 2021 coup, including killings, arbitrary arrests and detentions of peaceful protestors by the Sudan Armed Forces.
Growing insecurity
All-out military strategies have failed to curb insurgencies and end insecurity. According to United Nations experts, In early September 2023, suspected jihadists killed scores of people. In Sudan, violence involving security forces, other armed groups, and rival ethnic communities persisted in many parts of the country throughout 2022. This culminated in a widespread conflict between the Sudan Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces in April 2023.
The conflict has led to thousands of civilian deaths, the displacement of millions, and a humanitarian crisis. In Burkina Faso, despite a robust military air campaign mass recruitment for the civilian defence forces, dozens of soldiers and civilians have been killed by unknown violent armed groups in Burkina Faso, which also faces the worst humanitarian crisis in its history.
Lack of return to civilian rule
Despite pledges to hold elections, coup leaders have prevented transitions to civilian rule. In Mali, coup leaders recently postponed presidential elections scheduled for February 2024. In Burkina Faso, the leaders appear to be reneging on a commitment to hold elections in July 2024, citing security. In 2022, coup leaders in Chad extended the transition period while Gabon’s military has yet to set a date for elections.
Moving Beyond Coups
Political upheavals are incapable of resolving the numerous difficulties faced by Africa. Nevertheless, putting an end to these conflicts would necessitate a united global endeavour that surpasses mere condemnation and the provision of military assistance to nations engaged in combating insurgencies. It is imperative to tackle the fundamental factors that lead to instability and disaffection. These encompass problems related to ineffective governance, pervasive corruption, and the overall inability of elected governments in Africa to fulfil the promises of democracy.
The African Union, regional blocs, and the broader international community should cease their silence over botched elections, extensions of term limits, and alterations to constitutions that reinforce leaders’ grip on power and disillusion the populace. Partners should extend their counter-terrorism efforts beyond security measures and prioritize the implementation of comprehensive human rights agendas. Without such endeavours, notwithstanding the emphasized issues regarding rights, coups will persist as a feasible and well-liked option for citizens to their disadvantage.
Palash Kawsher is a former Bangladeshi special forces officer. He has 23 years of progressive security management experience in Asia, East and West Africa, and is currently deployed in Nigeria
