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Nelson Mandela died last week just when Nigerians were getting seriously agitated by reports that the Deputy President, Ike Ekweremadu was hinting at the possibility…

Nelson Mandela died last week just when Nigerians were getting seriously agitated by reports that the Deputy President, Ike Ekweremadu was hinting at the possibility that  legislators may seek a two year extension for elected officials to ease the current tensions around the president’s ambitions in 2015. Mandela’s death has taken the sting out of the angry reactions to the Senator’s comments that could be considerably worse, but Nigerians will get over the mourning of Mandela and fully engage this potential nightmare. Last week was a very sad week for Nigerians.
Like all Africans and the International community, Nigerians deeply felt the loss of one the greatest humans to live. Mandela had been very much a part of the lives of generations of Nigerians. Most Nigerians over 30 shared his life aspirations and dreams, of setbacks and deprivations, and of renewed hope and struggles and victories. He, the ANC and the people of South Africa, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Angola and Guinea Bissau were not distant phenomena we heard on radio. They were us. Their struggle was ours, from the first foreign contribution received by the African National Congress (ANC) from our Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa to the membership extended by frontline states to Nigeria to be a member in view of its steadfast support and contribution to the liberation struggles in Southern Africa. From the first N10 given by a simple market woman when she heard on radio that Nigeria was launching an appeal fund to help the liberation and reconstruction of South Africa to the unprecedented levels of commitment and courage of General Murtala Mohammed and his colleagues when they took on the might  of western imperialism and drew a line over South Africa, Nigerians in our millions have treated racism and oppression as if they lived with us. The world lived in anticipation of Nigeria’s voice on Southern Africa, and we opened our homes and hearts to fellow Africans from that region who ran to us for comfort and safety. Every Nigerian walked with pride over our stand against oppression, even when we were reminded that we tolerated in our land, those things we helped others to resist. It took a while before we realized that rule by the barrel was rule by the barrel, whether it was held by our soldiers or by white supremacists. But Southern Africa provided an opportunity for Africa’s largest nation to assert itself, and it did this with consistency and devastating effectiveness.
Nelson Mandela was the symbol of that struggle. He went to prison for the best part of his years for his people, and came out to meet the same enemy with its back against the wall. In those 29 years, his image and aura had grown. South-Africa had become ungovernable, and the world that propped up racist minority rule was coming round to the idea that major changes were needed in the country or it will be irretrievably lost. They couldn’t keep Mandela behind bars, and they couldn’t hand over the country and a white-run economy to a militant mob which wanted all or nothing, and was challenging the confidence that whites had a future in South Africa. The unbanning of the ANC and release of Mandela marked the beginning of very difficult set of decisions by the racist regime and its foreign backers.  The acceptance of the political option and major concession and compromises made to secure political power by Mandela and the ANC laid the foundations for what South Africa is today.
The transition by South Africa from a nation governed by a racist minority to one with a democratically elected government led by blacks with Mandela at the helm was a very difficult process. Mandela and the ANC leadership obviously believed that the elimination of racist minority rule was sufficient to address short-term expectations, and a democratic system which gave blacks the levers of power would lead to massive changes in the economic fortunes of blacks in the long term. Perhaps the intense clamour for political changes and the persistent campaigns to link South Africa’s development and stability with preservation of the essential features of the white-dominated, capitalist economy compelled black leaders to accept to make major concessions which altered the politics, but not the economy of South-Africa. But the fires of high expectations had been lit.
Mandela moved from being a global icon for resistance against injustice, the biggest asset of his people and the nightmare of racist minority rulers to being the leader of a people with many, often conflicting, expectations. Whites looked up to him to protect them and their economy, and assure them that they had a place in the rainbow nation. Blacks looked up to him to advance their economic status and justify their struggles and sacrifices for a free democratic South Africa. The world looked up to him to create a model nation where former enemies live together with a past behind them that would challenge efforts at peace-building anywhere else.
History’s verdict over the impact of Mandela’s presidency and the legacy it has bequeathed in South Africa is still being heard. At a personal level, Mandela has earned his place as a man with a rare character and unparalleled capacity to inspire. Many interests in South Africa have exploited  Madiba as a franchise, and the world has built an image around him which will be difficult and futile to taint. He had served his people as well as he could. He was arguably more powerful to blacks while he was in prison, but no one would have wished that he made that sacrifice until death. He led a democratic South Africa through a very difficult transition with little change. He served one term as president, and in spite of the most intense pressures to serve again, he declined. He finished his life as a global inspiration against oppression and injustice, and a symbol of hope and faith in the human spirit’s capacity to rise above all limitations. For a long time to come, the debate over the fruits of the struggle in which Nigerians participated will go on. The black middle class has grown, but black miners are still liable to be shot for going on strikes. White South Africans look  at Zimbabwe with much discomfort, and look to black leaders to protect the vast lands they still hold. Race and poverty are still major determinants of the quality of life in South Africa today, but you will not get many people who will hold Mandela personally responsible for this.
This is the leader who died the same week our leaders were rumoured to be looking for new ways to circumvent the constitution and stay in power for another two years. At one level, it will give comfort to dismiss this dangerous provocation as just the ranting of one Senator. While this will make it easier to go to sleep for most Nigerians, it will amount to dangerous complacency. No one should put anything below our leaders today. Those who think they have clear ideas over how far to push the political process should look at the shambles they made of their own PDP. Those who think they still have some respect for views of citizens should not hear of some of the rumoured intentions behind the national dialogue. Those who still think they will not tamper with the electoral process should pay close attention to the limitations which are being thrown around INEC’s capacity to conduct elections. Those who think there are still levels of accountability they can respect should ask questions about the manner our resources are being pillaged.
Nelson Mandela spent an entire life in the service of his people. He spent almost 30 years of his life in prison for them. When he came out, he served them as president for one term and said that was enough. Our own leaders want to govern us as they wish, irrespective of the constitution or our wishes. This is the time to say this: don’t even try it!

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