With the recent proscription of the separatist Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) by the governments of the five South-eastern states and its criminalisation as a terrorist organisation by a court order, the stage is now set for a new dimension of the mission, strategy and tactics of the insurgency movement. This is the least to be expected of the Nnamdi Kanu led separatists, given the level of articulation and sophistication with which they launched themselves into the darker crevices of the nation’s psyche. In the light of the foregoing, the need remains urgent for a follow through on the containment of whatever is left of their pre-proscription operations. This is vital for the purpose of preparing for the inevitable resurgence of the group in any other form. For even as uncouth they had launched themselves, and met the dividends of their eccentric orientation, the cause of Biafra which they elected to champion is indeed bigger than them, and provides a rallying point for their return – some day, some time, and in all likelihood, some other form.
The Nigerian military which by its disposition for executing both short and long term containment of crisis can be expected to have braced up for any future unintended contingencies that may emerge courtesy of IPOB. At least the massive battle-scope capacity build up comprising heavy armaments and sundry hardware in the South East zone over IPOB provides an indication of how far the military is disposed to go in terms of containing the group. But can the same be said of the non-military component of the anti IPOB rally comprising the political class of the catchment areas for IPOB enlistment which ordinarily are the five South Eastern States?
Observers believe the answer hangs in the air, as the largely ambivalent stance of the political elite of the zone is far from being helpful. In fact if the military elects to remain fully mobilised in the South East for the foreseeable future, the blame for such rests squarely with the zone’s political leadership. Many believe that it would have been better if the trending issue in the South East zone is how to alleviate the plight of the ordinary citizen by addressing the total meltdown of basic infrastructure such as roads and bridges – to mention a few, rather than tolerating such unhelpful distraction from IPOB.
However a flip side of the IPOB affair is the threat which the group poses for the Rivers State, and in particular Port Harcourt the state capital. The inclusion of Port Harcourt – traditionally a non-Ibo town in the catchment areas for IPOB, may not be apparent for the casual observer but is driven by both historical factors and contemporary circumstances. For instance the historical and cultural links between mainstream Igboland and the present Rivers State (Port Harcourt in particular) not only remain strong but justify the consideration of the latter as immediate rendezvous for IPOB elements to nest in and launch out since their quit order from mainstream Iboland.
Since its designation as a seaport by the British in 1912, the city has served as an entrepot for all business interests throughout the Eastern part in particular, and rest of the country, with the neighbouring Ibo traders enjoying unfettered operations in the area. Its eventual emergence as the hub of the nation’s oil and gas operations simply upped its ranking as a city with control is a most sought after prize.
By the circumstance of the advantage of a larger population in the Eastern part of the country, the 1951 Macpherson Constitution which provided for the political mobilisation of Nigerians along ethnic lines, offered the more populous Ibo ethnic group a bigger say in the affairs of the city. It is on record that even the headquarters of the Ibo National Union was established not in Enugu, nor Owerri nor Aba, but in Port Harcourt itself. Meanwhile the indigenous ethnic groups in the area comprising the Kalabari, Ikwerre, Etche, Okrika, Ogoni, Andoni, Ibani, Ijaw, etc, suffered undue marginalisation in the scheme of things due to their minority status.
It is therefore not surprising that in the course of events preceding and accompanying the 1967 – 1970 Nigerian Civil War, the control of Port Harcourt was the target of both the federal government and the secessionist Biafra enclave under the leadership of late Ikemba Odumegwu Ojukwu. The imminence of the creation of the twelve state structure by the Nigeria’s Head of State General Yakubu Gowon in 1967 simply raised the spectre of placing Port Harcourt out of the control of the Ibo dominated Eastern Nigerian government and thereby spurred Ojukwu into declaring the secession of the region as Biafra, with the Port Harcourt area included in the enclave. Due to the successes of the Federal forces in liberating Port Harcourt, the city has remained one that enjoys the status of perhaps the most accommodating city in the country, with its indigenes posing no threat whatsoever and at no time to any visitor.
Many workers in Port Harcourt come to work daily from Aba in Abia State, and vice versa. Some residents in Port Harcourt bank in Aba and vice versa. Little wonder that many Ibos do not see any difference between Port Harcourt and any typical Ibo town. With the political dispensation whereby Port Harcourt falls outside the administrative control of the South East governments who have proscribed IPOB on their soil, it is easy to appreciate that the nesting base of choice for the group remains Port Harcourt. Who knows if the IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu, who is officially declared missing is not holed up in one of the hotels in Port Harcourt and its environs, enjoying the ambience of an air-conditioned stay there, largely unknown to his followers?
In the contemporary context the inclusion of a wide swath of non-Ibo territory in the new map of the proposed ‘Biafraland’ qualifies to be seen as the basis for expanding the containment campaign outside the traditional South East. In the contentious map of ‘Biafraland’ the IPOB lists states like Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, Benue, Akwa Ibom and Cross River as components of their enclave. In fact Kanu was quoted recently as claiming that he rejected an offer of Biafra that was bereft of Rivers State and some other territory.
Given the redoubtable sophistry with which the IPOB had been associated with and the extreme megalomania of its leadership, their resolve to achieve their aim by any means including using Port Harcourt as their comfort zone should not be overlooked. Otherwise sooner than later IPOB will prove its mettle as a time bomb waiting to explode and disrupt the peace of Rivers State – this beautiful home for all Nigerians and global citizens of goodwill.
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