The recent arrest of Yoruba separatist leader, Sunday Adeyemo, Alias Igboho, in Benin Republic is yet another source of avoidable headache for Nigerian authorities.
While fleeing Nigeria through neighbouring Benin Republic, Mr Igboho was, on Nigeria’s request, disembarked from his plane, held captive alongside his wife who was later released because there was no case against her, and has made two appearances in a Beninese court for “entering the country illegally and trying to cause trouble.”
Igboho had fled Nigeria following a raid on his house by operatives of the Department of State Security (DSS). The DSS, which accused him of stockpiling arms and inciting violence, later declared him wanted.
Since his arrest two weeks ago, Nigerian authorities have remained silent while prominent Yoruba lawyers have been actively trying to prevent Igboho’s extradition to Nigeria to face charges of stockpiling arms, inciting violence and championing the secession of the South-West from the country.
While a 1984 extradition treaty exists between Nigeria, Togo, Benin and Ghana, the agreement excludes those wanted for political reasons, a category Mr Igboho’s lawyers insist he falls in because his clamour for self-rule is covered by the African Union Charter.
But Nigeria has not formally initiated the procedure for having Mr Igboho extradited. While a letter has been written to the Beninese authorities demanding they hand over Mr Igboho, this does not fulfil the requirements of an extradition request as laid out in the treaty.
The extradition treaty remains binding on the Republic of Benin, but Nigeria has to make a formal request outlining the offences Mr Igboho is accused of committing. The merit of these accusations will then be determined by a Beninese court before deciding on whether to hand him over to Nigeria or not. So far, Nigeria has not initiated this process, leaving the Beninese authorities holding on to Mr Igboho on their own charges.
All this theatricals and paperwork would have been avoided if the Nigerian authorities had been more efficient in dealing with the situation while Mr Igboho was roaming freely in the South West, propagating his self-rule agitation and inciting the eviction of a certain group of Nigerians from the region.
According to Presidential spokesman Garba Shehu, the then Inspector General of Police Mohammed Adamu had in January this year ordered the arrest of Mr Igboho. If such an order existed, it was not pursued with any commitment until six months later, when Mr Igboho had generated a larger following and somehow escaped the claws of the law to turn up in Benin Republic. This complacency has huge potentials to embarrass Nigeria.
Nigeria may be counting on its close relationship with its smaller West African neighbour to get it to hand over the wanted Mr Igboho, however, relations between the two countries have not been ideal of late. Having accused its neighbours of aiding smuggling into its borders, Nigerian authorities in August 2019 closed its land borders, a decision that had a serious impact on the economies of all countries involved.
The President of Benin Republic, Patrice Talon, visited Abuja to appeal to President Muhammadu Buhari to reopen the borders. Those borders remained close until early this year.
Nigeria must keep its house in order. The government should follow due process as laid down by the 1984 extradition treaty between it and its West African neighbours to have Mr Igboho returned to the country through the proper channel if it is convinced of its case against him. When this is done, his trial should be open and fair. It is important that such sensitive cases are dealt with by the book and with efficiency to as well avoid possible local and international backlash.
