At 95, Alhaji Tanko Yakasai has witnessed every facet of the development of modern Nigeria; not just as a witness, but also a participant. A Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) stalwart, commissioner in old Kano State, senior party chieftain in the Second Republic, among others, Yakasai recollects some of those moments in this interview with Trust TV monitored by Daily Trust on Sunday and bares his mind on some contemporary issues. Excerpts:
By Kabiru A. Yusuf
Most of us do not have the experience of being 95. How does it feel at 95?
In my case, I feel normal except that I have seen many things that have happened that others didn’t see. Other than that as far as my state of health and my ability to talk and so on are concerned, I am alright.
Many people say old age is a burden; do you really feel burdened?
Yes; I have my constraints. I forget things easily. But one thing I’m happy about is that I will eventually remember whatever I forgot in 24 hours, a week, a month, or even a year.
What are the joys of old age; what is it about old age that you think younger ones do not know that probably they are missing?
When we were young there was no radio, no television, but we enjoyed our lives through activities like playing, attending school, exchanging ideas, listening to stories from elders and so on. We didn’t think what is happening today will happen. So many people of my age are surprised at the things happening now.
Like what; what is it that surprises you?
For instance, something will happen in America, in Russia, in different parts of the world and within a moment you hear it, watch it and even experience it, and it adds to your experience and knowledge. We had all the time but not this luxury of getting to know a lot of things within the shortest possible time. It is a special gift from God for which we should be very grateful.
One other remarkable thing about you is that with very little formal education as we know it now, you became party leader of a national party, you became a commissioner and a presidential adviser, how did you achieve that?
There is no difference between learning in the university and learning at home. We started by learning at home. Of course we were attending Quranic school, but most of the education in terms of Western education, I personally learnt it at home; on the streets.
So those who learnt from the Western schools had the luxury of knowing the easiest way of learning better than ourselves. But I think those of us who learnt the hard way, we also have what we have permanently imprinted in our psyche that we easily remember.
But how were you able to develop a good grasp of the English language and world affairs?
You read them. I started by accident as a journalist in 1953 with The Comet as a reporter and later Hausa Editor. I was the national publicity secretary of my party, NEPU, and I competed with better educated people who helped me to propel myself in order to interact with them effectively. It was a challenge but certainly I am happy that I was able to cope; it wasn’t easy.
But before that you were a tailor, so how was the transition?
Tailoring is the best profession; not because I was a tailor, but because there is nobody who doesn’t benefit from that experience: traditional rulers, generals, professors, everybody. You will not go to class as a professor until you are well dressed; it is the tailor that makes you to look good.
When you are getting married you will like to look more presentable, and when you are appearing in a television like this, you will like to be presentable, all these are the work of a tailor.
Unfortunately, few people understand how important, how critical tailors are to humanity, because nobody is immune from their expertise.
I was engaged in tailoring right from 1941 when I came back from the pursuit of Quranic education in Bauchi. I started learning tailoring in Hardawa, Misau, Bauchi State, and became a professional when I came back.
What we used to do is no longer fashionable; like wundiya. Wundiya was a type of big dress that not every tailor was able to do and if you were unable to sew it you would not get patronage.
But now, nobody is thinking of them, it is not a fashion to you, but even to me because I don’t have a wundiya anymore.
Let’s look at your involvement with NEPU; it seems you had a very difficult relationship with the NEPU leader, Mallam Aminu Kano, even though everybody in the party looked up to him as a mentor. At one time you were expelled from the party and later on brought back. What happened?
One interesting thing is that from my experience throughout the history of political parties in Nigeria, I think I was the only party member who was expelled by the party and eventually brought back.
What did you do to be expelled?
I was invited by a friend to the Soviet Union and China in 1960. I approached Mallam Aminu Kano; that I would like some NEPU leaders to go with me because I was asked to come along with some party leaders. He was not interested, but I was committed already.
So I looked for some NEPU leaders on my own who accepted to go along with me. We went to Lagos a day before the date of independence. We celebrated the independence anniversary. I stayed with Mallam Aminu Kano and the following morning we hired a bus to Accra and from there we flew to Mali and from there to Moscow and from there to Beijing.
We spent about three months going round places in China and later the Soviet Union and from the Soviet Union to East Germany.
So when I came back, Mallam Aminu Kano didn’t say anything, but some of our colleagues were not happy that I would go to Russia and China, because it was a big taboo to go to China or Russia.
So they felt I was engaging in activities that would make NEPU not to be in the good books of the colonial administration, and we were just getting independence.
Because of that the aggrieved persons, with some consultation with Mallam Aminu Kano, decided to expel me without even asking me to defend myself.
When they eventually expelled me, I decided not to go to any other party, but instead I formed another party called Sawaba Party of Nigeria (SPN). We were friendly with members of the Sawaba Party in Niger Republic who were engaged in an armed struggle.
Armed struggle in Niger?
You are not aware of that? Of yes; Sawaba Party engaged in armed struggle in Niger.
To free the country from French rule?
They were fighting against French rule, but we didn’t do that in Nigeria, but I think that fear of probably engaging in their kind of activities probably played a role in making my colleagues to insist that I should be expelled from the party.
Were you a communist?
I was a very committed socialist of the Marxian school of thought, and I was all alone and I am still one. So because of that there was this kind of factionalisation in the party. I was expelled along with people who were very close to me. And so when I formed the Sawaba party, those who were expelled with me joined me and we started to spread it.
Then probably some of the NEPU leaders saw the danger in allowing the Sawaba party to spread because it would weaken NEPU, and because the slogan of NEPU was “Sawaba” they felt we should not be allowed to associate with NEPU supporters as we were likely to drag them into the Sawaba party which would in turn diminish the appeal NEPU was making to the general populace. They realised that it made us more popular and they decided on their own to bring us back.
The military struck in 1966 and you and the radical NEPU moved to government and you became a commissioner. How do you justify you who was trying to liberate the talakawa (masses) now joining a military government and becoming a commissioner?
After the coup, there was a movement in Northern Nigeria that brought about members of different parties together, NEPU, NPC, UPE, NBC and the rest of them. We were working together against Gen Aguiyi Ironsi’s regime that was fighting politicians. We organised against Ironsi’s regime and through that effort we were able to mobilise support which brought down the regime. So when Lt Col Yakugu Gowon came to power he appointed leading opposition party members into his cabinet at the national level and directed governors at the state level to do same.
So NEPU members, even MBC members, were appointed as federal commissioners. People like Mallam Aminu Kano, Shettima Ali Monguno from NPC and Shehu Shagari.
In Kano, I was one of the people selected to be commissioners; along with others like Sani Gezawa who was the Secretary of NPC. So that was how we managed to be in government.
The government wanted the support of every section of the community, and we lent our support and they appreciated it by compensating us with appointments.
How was it for you; I can understand, Commissioner for Information, what about Commissioner for Finance?
In any case, when I was Commissioner for Information, I was already the publicity secretary of my party; which was virtually about the same experience.
When Commissioner of Police (CP) Audu Bako as governor came to appoint his commissioners, he consulted widely based on the directive of Gowon, and among the people he consulted was Mallam Aminu Kano. Mallam Aminu Kano recommended people who were by and large representatives of different interests in Kano, NPC, NEPU, business community, traditional rulers and the rest of them.
So 10 of us were appointed and I was nominated to represent the interest of NEPU members, Sani Gezawa was appointed to represent the interest of NPC because he was the provincial secretary of NPC, and Aminu Dantata was appointed to represent the business community.
Then there was a cabinet reshuffle and I was posted to community development, cooperative and what else, I can’t remember; three ministries put together were given to me. I spent two years running them before I was asked to act in the Ministry of Finance. The Commissioner of Finance was Alhaji Umaru Gumel. He was sick and in London for treatment. He recommended me to act for him. So I was appointed to act for him. I don’t know, I think the governor was happy with my performance, and unfortunately Alhaji Umaru Gumel died. So the governor decided that he was happy with my work and that I should now continue as substantive Commissioner for Finance.
But it seems your involvement in the finance ministry contributed to the problem you had when the government of Audu Bako collapsed when Gen Gowon’s regime was removed and Gen Murtala Muhammed came in. There was this probe and confiscation of property and you were one of those whose property were confiscated. You have defended yourself quite well in your autobiography; how you acquired some of your property, but that was the general perception. Do you think the government was too hasty with the probes and confiscations?
No! You see, when Audu Bako came to Kano as military governor he consulted widely. He was more impressed with the widespread nature of the recommendations made by Mallam Aminu Kano and therefore tended to consider the recommendations of Mallam Aminu Kano more than the recommendations made by other people.
Majority of the people he appointed were picked from the list submitted by Mallam Aminu Kano.
Mallam Aminu Kano and Murtala and Inuwa Wada were related, they belonged to the Gyanawa clan in the Fulani group in Kano, but Inuwa Wada was NPC, he was at one time organising secretary of NPC and later on a minister and so on. So while Mallam Aminu Kano was the leader of NEPU when states were created, and because of their differences from the First Republic, the people recommended by Mallam Aminu Kano were seen to be more of NEPU sympathisers than NPC sympathisers.
So there were about four or five of us that were close to Audu Bako. So it didn’t go well with our NPC opponents because Audu Bako seemed to be listening to advice from people nominated by Mallam Aminu Kano.
But because I was the national publicity of secretary of NEPU, I was the most prominent NEPU member in the cabinet. So all the hatred against NEPU was dumped on me and this was the reason why there was this hatred against me.
So the perception that you were part of the corruption in the Audu Bako regime…?
We were investigated, and it will surprise you that I was never invited to defend myself throughout the inquiries; not only myself, Sani Gezawa and Inuwa Dutse were never invited, but our assets were confiscated and some of us whose assets were confiscated were later on asked to pay back tokens and reclaim them.
You seem to think like most Nigerians that the Murtala regime did more harm than good. Even though you recognised some of its achievements, you said perhaps it was good for the country that it did not last long. What is the reason for this judgment?
When Gowon was toppled a nasty element was introduced in the politics of Northern Nigeria. For the first time the dichotomy between the Muslim and non-Muslim indigenes of Northern Nigeria manifested.
Murtala, maybe you know, maybe you don’t know, was recruited into the military through the good offices of his uncle, Inuwa Wada, and therefore he was much closer to Inuwa Wada than to Aminu Kano.
So that was the reason why I think it was not I alone, even Mallam Aminu Kano was subjected to some harsh treatment. The only thing was that he was a national figure and he was more recognised than me. Therefore, there was the fear that if he was subjected to the kind of intimidation and persecution that I was subjected to, it would gain more prominence and it would bring about some negative reactions to the regime.
So we were not in good terms with Murtala Muhammed. I didn’t know him. I had never known Murtala, but when there was a crisis in the country, when they were sent by the Lagos group of Northerners to raise funds in Kano; that was the first time I heard of Murtala Muhammed. He was much younger than me and there was no connection between him and myself.
But he saw me as somebody belonging to a group of political thought that was not friendly with his promoter, Inuwa Wada, and therefore he thought it wise to see what he could get out of it by oppressing me and few others in our group.
At the national level, what do you think of him; do you think some of the radical ideas he brought in the short period he was president were good for the country?
I am an active politician. I judge people by what they contribute to society. I don’t want to criticise Murtala, but what Murtala did was arrest, imprisonment and inquiries. He didn’t do, to my mind, anything positive for Nigeria. I don’t see anything that anybody can talk of that Murtala contributed to the betterment of Nigeria and well-being of its people, to my view, till tomorrow.
So like I said, he was closer to Inuwa Wada and therefore he regarded himself as an NPC diehard, and I being a NEPU publicity secretary, it was something else.
So I think that made me a target of attack and hate by people who considered themselves committed NPC supporters, including Murtala Muhammed.
You played a role in the NPN government which was led by Shehu Shagari as the presidential liaison officer at the National Assembly. Why did that government fail?
This is a matter of opinion. I don’t think the government failed. The government had a lot of enemies. Shehu Shagari was not flamboyant, so there were lots of Northerners who were not happy with him. They thought he was too slow, they wanted him to act like Murtala; arrest people who did bad and so on. He didn’t do that.
So there were a lot of Northerners who thought that Shehu Shagari was not the type of leader that should be the President of Nigeria, but people like me, I work on principle.
Shehu Shagari till date is the most sincere person. He held ministries; three different ministries from the First Republic to the end of the transition period from military to civilian. He held more ministries than any other Nigerian, and if he wasn’t competent, he wouldn’t be considered for the different ministries in different regimes.
First was civilian regime, then military regime. He started as Commissioner for Education in the North Western State, and then because of his performance, he was asked to replace Obafemi Awolowo when Awolowo resigned as Federal Commissioner for Finance.
In fact, to my mind, to start as a state commissioner and then be brought to the central government as minister is not a little compliment to your credibility. That was the situation with Shehu Shagari. But as a politician you have to make do with enemies; it is the business of making friends and making enemies.
Are you saying he was unfairly blamed for the failure of the Second Republic?
No; the Second Republic did not fail. Those who wanted to take over power said it failed, but it didn’t fail. It wasn’t given time. This was a transition after 13 years of military “intervention’, so you don’t expect a civilian president to behave like a military head of state and begin to do things.
By nature, Shehu Shagari was a quiet person; very calculating, but people wanted to rush him like Murtala and so they were disappointed. He was not popular with them.
How do you think we are doing now after more than 20 years of democratic governance?
We have what they call in Hausa zabu-kaji, not zabuwa, not kaji. This is what is happening. Today we are not in a full fledge civilian administration. Don’t forget that the military intervened to get Olusegun Obasanjo as president in 1999 and he ruled by and large not as a civilian head of state even though he was elected. Remember, he was a military officer for most of his adult life; you did not expect him to behave differently. The same thing with Muhammadu Buhari who was a military head of state and now an elected president. Some of his behaviours are more akin to military rule than civilian democratic system. It is natural; you cannot spend major part of your life in a particular profession and then suddenly change how you behaved in the profession.
Today, if you give me your dress, I will sew it for you because I learnt it for a long time. The only thing is that I cannot do the modern ones, but if you give me the old styles I will do them for you.
So when people are used to a certain way of life, change them to a different place, they will behave in the same manner like they did before.
But are you satisfied that the government is dealing effectively with the problems of the country?
I will say yes to some extent, but what happened is this; if you look at what Buhari is doing, he is picking up ideas, but my criticism of Buhari is that he tried three times to be elected president, but failed. Then by struck of luck, he succeeded in the fourth attempt.
In my opinion, for somebody who tried three times to be the president of this country and when the opportunity came his way, he should be ready. Right from the beginning I became disenchanted because of the time it took Buhari even to appoint the secretary to the government that does not require the clearance of anybody. You can do it from your bed. And many other appointments took him three or four months to do. That shows you that he was not prepared.
It is only now, if you look at the programmes he is unfolding, they are good, like rehabilitation of railway, he could have done this much earlier, we would have been enjoying more railway system in this country and more other things that he is now doing.
But time is not waiting for anybody. Now he has only one and half years to go, and by this time next year we are into party politicking and the attention of everybody will be on the next government. Even this government will be struggling to complete some of the projects it started. So Buhari is doing what he can do but he should have started much earlier and the results would have been different.
Does he consult veteran politicians like you?
You know I criticise him, right from the beginning, and he is a person who doesn’t forgive. So apart from me, even those who did not criticise him, how many of the old experienced politicians has he brought into his government?
He should have some of our colleagues even not as ministers but advisers and consult them from time to time. People like Ayo Adebanjo, Nbazuke Amaechi, and the rest of them, they are there, and many of them much younger than me.
Amaechi was with Buhari a few days ago and I don’t know what you think of the implied promise he made that he will consider releasing Nnamdi Kanu, the Biafra agitator, because there was a delegation that went to him when he made that promise to look at the possibility of some kind of amnesty?
Did he give any commitment?
He said he would look at it. I don’t know, do you think it is something that…?
I doubt if the head of state of Nigeria or any country will ignore somebody who declared war against his country; not only declaring war, but attacking physically the security forces and killing military men, police and so on.
Buhari is the president. He has the power to forgive and pardon whoever he wishes; I don’t have the power to stop him, but I won’t do it if I were him. I wouldn’t forgive or pardon somebody who declared war against this country.
I am a committed nationalist, I fought for this country, I went to prison many times for this country, and for people to come and declare war against this country; it is terrible.
What positive contribution has Nnamdi Kanu done to Nigeria or even to the Igbo people? He didn’t bring Biafra, he met Biafra, he was young at the time when Biafra was declared.
So it is up to President Buhari. The people Nnamdi Kanu hates the most are Northerners; particularly the Hausa/Fulani. I am not Fulani; I am Hausa.
So I have no power to stop Buhari from pardoning Nnamdi Kanu. He has the power to do it, but I will not support him.
Are you worried with all these agitations, Biafra, South West, etc., with your colleague, Ayo Adebanjo, saying recently that they don’t believe in 2023, hence the process should be stopped and a national conference convened?
Both Ayo Adebanjo and I served on the constitutional conference set up by Gen Abacha. All these ideas, Ayo didn’t take them to the conference, and that was the best opportunity Ayo Adebanjo had to make his contribution. Meanwhile, it is not enough to call for restructuring. Why can’t Ayo Adebanjo articulate what his idea of restructuring is all about?
But he does it at every opportunity he has. He is saying we should go back to the constitution of 1963?
He knows it is not possible; nobody can return the 36 states into three regions in Nigeria; not even a military ruler. When somebody is advocating something, you better think of the practicability of that thing; is it possible or is he saying it for the sake of winning support from the younger ones who do not know the consequences of what he is advocating?
I think one major ground he wants is at least to go back to the Goodluck Jonathan 2014 conference?
He should have said so.
He is saying that at least the document should be a basis, but do you think it is enough?
No; that is not what I understand him to be advocating. He is advocating for restructuring, but when he is pressed to expand on this, then he begins to talk of something else. This is a seasoned lawyer at 93, he has over 60 years of experience at the bar.
I am not a lawyer, but if I feel strongly about something, by now I would have submitted a written document even if it is not going to be implemented, at least one day people will come and dust it and begin to look at it; he didn’t articulate that position, he didn’t submit a blueprint for restructuring Nigeria.
I am a politician and I know what politicians will say just to be popular. I know what people will say which is possible, which is practicable.
Where do you stand on power shift?
I don’t know the candidates yet, but in principle I believe in the idea of NPN. I was a member of the national executive committee, deputy chairman of Kano branch of the party and I served NPN from the beginning to the end. I am one of those who really articulated the principle of zoning and rotation in NPN along with people like Umaru Dikko. So I am in support of zoning and rotation.
But I think it is too early to begin to pinpoint individuals though they haven’t come out yet. Let them begin to get the politicians coming out declaring their interest and presenting programmes which they have for the country. I would rather support somebody who has something good to advocate for the country than slogans, I don’t like slogans.
Are you saying you would not support somebody who does not fit into the rotation plan…?
There is nothing you can do about it. What is now happening is that we have virtually a two-party system. I don’t see the possibility of the two parties presenting candidates from one section of Nigeria; it will come, but depending on the candidate presented from the North and the one from the South and based on the programmes they will come with in relation to the national aspirations that I have and that most Nigerians have for the betterment of this country.
In your autobiography you said something interesting; that you could actually write a book about your misadventure in marriage. Of course there is the famous story of how you were given a wife you did not want and you rebelled for four years and later somebody else married her. What can you say about these things?
I wrote it in the book, God is very kind, God knew how I suffered at the beginning and in His infinite mercy He compensated me. I have 19 children now alive and they come from the wives I married after my first and second marriages. They all have degrees, masters and some even PhD. I am not rich and didn’t sponsor any of them to university. They worked hard and are now with their achievements in education.
So God compensated me by giving me the wives that I love and they love me, and you would be surprised to hear that the wife I married last has five children with me and they have produced 12 or 13 grandchildren for me; bringing the total of my grandchildren to about 60.
My earlier misadventure in marriage was not my own making. At that time generally young people married not girls of their choice, it was their parents who decided for them who to marry whether they liked them or not. In my case, God has made it up for me and I am happy about it.
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