- Author: Alhaji Mohammed Adam, MFR
- Publisher: Siddwell International Ltd., Abuja, Nigeria
- Year of Publication: 2020
- Reviewer: Muhammad Hassan-Tom
- Pages: 390
You belong among a tiny minority if you know that there are around five million Arabs indigenous to Nigeria. When the Hotline newsmagazine first published an article on the native Nigerian Arabs in 1992, acclaimed academics and average readers alike re-joined with astonishment and even outright denial of the fact. This narrative is about to change forever with the circulation of this book.
It is not that there are no written works on the only speakers of the Semitic language in this country. As Ambassador Baba Ahmad Jidda, OFR, wrote in his foreword to the book, “A number of previous attempts have been made by colonialists and some political science students to write on the history of the Arabs in Borno State but none has done justice to the subject as the current book authored by the erudite educationist Alhaji Muhammad Adam.” This is so true that probably very few know that the former Secretary to the Borno State Government and immediate past Nigeria’s Ambassador to China is himself Arab.
The thoroughness of this tome tells the story in the most educative way. Originally, Adam’s dissertation for the award of Bachelor of Arts degree in History from the Ahmadu Bello University Zaria in 1977, it took decades in the making. Indeed, it started in the author’s childhood with legends his father told him. As he recanted in the Acknowledgement, “Tribute is due to my late father, Shettima Adam, whose vivid accounts of historical events in Borno encouraged me to look for even more and record for the benefit of the present and future generations.”
Chapter one captioned “Brief History of the Arabs,” confirms that the Arabs in Borno State, otherwise known as “Arab Shuwa” or “Shuwa Arab” trace their origin to the Arabian Peninsula. Though a number of ethnic groups in Nigeria claim an Arabian origin, the Shuwa Arab position is unique as they are the only speakers of a Semitic language in Nigeria. Moreover, they still retain some of the physical, psychological and social characteristics of their Arab ancestors. “Arab” itself connotes desert dwellers. These mainly Bedouin ancestors of the Shuwa Arabs started migrating into Africa from the 7th Century AD in successive waves spanning centuries.
As nomads, their livelihood depended on the well-being of their livestock so their movements and settlements were dictated by the needs of their cattle. Consequently, well-watered areas such as the Nile Valley, Lake Chad shores and the lowlands of the Shari River attracted large numbers of these Arabs who eventually spread to states such as Darfur, Wadai, Bagirmi, Kanem and finally Borno. These Arabs now form a significant proportion of the population of Borno State as well as Cameroun, Chad, Egypt and Sudan Republics.
In chapter two titled: “Arab Migration into Africa and their Spread in Central Bilad-al-Sudan,” traced the beginning to the 7th Century which witnessed the rise of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula. By the time of the Prophet Muhammad’s (peace be upon him) death in 632AD, Islam had covered all parts of Arabia. After him, the Caliphs Abubakar (632-634AD), Umar (634-644AD), Usman (644-656AD) and Ali (656-661AD) followed up with further conquests which took them to Syria, Palestine, Persia, Egypt and beyond encompassing an Empire from the Atlantic Ocean to China.
The Muslim army under the command of Amr ibn Al-As undertook the conquest of Egypt in 638-643AD. His army of over 50,000 men was said to have comprised of pure Arabs. Egypt thus became the base from which the Muslim army extended their operations westwards and opened the way for massive Arab infiltration into Africa and subsequently into Spain.
As the takeovers expanded, Arab migrants – soldiers, scholars, merchants and nomads – moved into Africa spreading settlements in North Africa and the Nile Valley in the first instance. The Arabs first settled in Fustat and Alexandria. During the reign of Caliph Muawiya (661-680), Uqbah ibn Nafi initiated the conquest of North Africa by founding Qairawan and taking over Ghademes and parts of Fezzan in 666/7 AD. As a result of these developments, the ancestors of the Shuwa Arabs found their way into the Chad Basin region and finally into Borno. The first recorded appearance of Arab (Muslims) in the neighbourhood of Kanem-Borno occurred in 666/7 AD.
‘Baggarisation’ Process
The writer explained, “Having migrated from the north down south, where the climate was much wetter, soil conditions and vegetation different, these nomads mainly camel-breeders had to gradually abandon camels and took to cattle-breeding. Hence, they came to be known as ‘baggara.’ ‘Bagara’ is Arab for cow. Some of them had to adopt a more settled life and combined cattle-breeding with agriculture and thus became agro-pastoralists.”
This chapter lists some of the routes they followed including 1. Egypt-Barka-Tripoli-Central Maghreb 2. Asyut in Egypt-West Egypt-Maghreb 3. Nile-West Darfur-Wadai-Bagirmi-Kanem-Borno and; 4. Tunis-Tripoli-Sahara-Kanem-Borno. The general area of Arab migration – the ‘Baggara Belt’ – is a broad strip of land extending over a distance of almost 2,500 kilometres between the 10th and 13th parallel from the White Nile to Lake Chad.
Citing clear linguistic examples, Adam wrote, “It is interesting to note that the Arabic dialect spoken in Borno is to a large extent similar to the Egyptian and Sudanese dialects, while both are not far from classical Arabic.” The Shuwa Arab dialect is understood in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Syria, the Gulf States and Lebanon. The author also quoted informants in Ngala Local Government Area of Borno State who mentioned that their ancestors came from Tunis. According to him, “Ndufu, a historic ancient settlement in the area was once known as ‘Dar Tunis’ and the first Muslim ruler of the place was called Sultan Ahmar – the Red Sultan. Similar to this is a settlement in Kala-Balge Local Government Area called Tunish.”
Chapter three entitled: “Arab migration and settlement in Borno” charts the settlement process. It starts off offering entomology of the word ‘Shuwa.’ Some scholars think the word derived from the Ethiopian word ‘Sha’ or ‘Shoa’ meaning pastoral as opposed to ‘Jallaba’ meaning merchants. Others think that since it has no currency in Sudan, it probably derived from the Kanuri word ‘Ashi’ meaning strong-headed or ‘Shawa’ meaning beautiful. All these notwithstanding according to Adam, “the typical Shuwa Arab still maintains that he is Arab and nothing else.”
The most important phase of Shuwa Arab movement into Borno took place between the 18th and 19th Centuries. In 1808, the Wodabe and Bororoen Fulani in Borno inspired by Sheikh Usman Dan-Fodio, launched a Jihad and sacked Gazargamu, headquarters of the Sayfawa Dynasty. Recounting their rise to power and prominence, Adam wrote that “In the Ngala area, the local uprising led by one Muhammad Wabi was successfully subdued by a Kanembu scholar, Sheikh Muhammad El-Kanemi, assisted by the Shuwa Arabs and the Kanembu.”
The Sayfawa ruler consequently invited El-Kanemi to lead the war against the Fulani warriors and save Borno from impending imperialism as witnessed in Hausa-land and other enclaves. Sheikh Muhammad El-Kanemi was said to have invited his Kanembu kinsmen and also secured the support of the Arabs through his scholarly companions – Muhammad Terab, Ahmad Gonimi and Ibrahim Wadaima- then living with him at Ngala. Under his command, the Kanembu and Shuwa Arabs roundly defeated the Fulani and drove them out of Borno. Following this, even more Arabs moved into Borno and settled up to Adamawa and Mandara regions which provided ample land and water for grazing and farming.
Chapter four on “Shuwa Arabs’ role in the establishment of the El-Kanemi Dynasty in 19th Century Borno” details how after successfully executing the war against the Fulani, Mai Dunoma rewarded Sheikh El-Kanemi with material gifts and a fief stretching from Ngurno to Ngala upon which he could derive additional regular income. From there, El-Kanemi in 1814 established Kukawa destined to be the next capital of Borno. The Sayfawa ruler held court at Kafela while El-Kanemi became the power-base of Kanem-Borno.
Soon, the Sayfawa ruler started depending on subsidy from Sheikh El-Kanemi who with the support of his Arab companions continued to direct affairs. After waging wars against the Bagirmi in Chad and suppressing various internal revolts, El-Kanemi’s popularity grew by the day as the Sayfawa ruler’s declined. By 1819, the former started removing and replacing Sayfawa rulers at will.
The three Shuwa Arab companions of El-Kanemi who played critical roles in the war against the Fulani became his most powerful advisors. Muhammad Terab, famed for the number of his followers played the role of collector and distributor of horses for the fighters; Ahmad Gonimi was respected for his age and scholarly accomplishments and; Ibrahim Wadaima, renowned for bravery and war skills. They became members of the Council of State of Kanem-Borno. As representatives of Shuwa Arab interests in the administration, they were assigned fiefs spanning Magumeri, Ngumati, Konduga, Monguno and Kala-Balge.
Following the death of Sheikh Muhammad El-Kanemi in 1837, his son Umar took over and his first move as the new leader of the Kukawa power-base was to reduce the revenue remitted to the Sayfawa ruler which prompted Mai Ibrahim in 1846 “to seek military assistance from the ruler of Wadai so as to oust the El-Kanemi usurpers.” In the ensuing epic battle fought near Kuoserri in the Republic of Cameroon, the Kanem-Borno fighters were not only overpowered but lost leaders including Muhammad Terab and Ahmad Gonimi.
Demoralised by the loss of his eminent counsellors, Sheikh Umar El-Kanemi dashed back to Kukawa, executed Mai Ibrahim and fled the capital. The Wadai fighters then moved in, occupied Borno, installed Mai Ali Dallatu and withdrew, leaving the new ruler to his fate. Seizing the opportunity, Sheikh Umar returned, engaged Mai Dallatu in a brief battle and killed him, marking the end of the over 1000 years of Sayfawa rule in Borno and the beginning of the El-Kanemi dynasty.
Haj Muhammad Bashir son of Muhammad Terab was a close friend and associate of Sheikh Umar (1837-80). Following his father’s death in the battle with Wadai in 1846 and Sheikh Umar’s ascension to the throne, he took over his father’s functions as Malam Terab. He also became the chief counsellor or the First Waziri under the dynasty. That is an executive Waziri who heads the administration. In modern times the title could be equated with that of a Prime Minister. After the death of Haj Bashir, the title of Waziri went round the three Shuwa Arab families.
Chapter five captioned “Shuwa Arab Revolts, Upheavals and Exodus in the 19th Century” chronicles the conflicts that ensued among different categories of the Arabs. Following their contribution to the emancipation of Borno from Fulani control and the establishment of the El-Kanemi dynasty, the Arab newcomers became very dominant in the political and economic life of the empire. The sense of superiority felt by these Arabs over the long-settled pre El-Kanemi Arabs referred to as ‘black Shuwa’ led to several revolts by the latter. The new comers had no cause to revolt at least in the early stages of the El-Kanemi rule.
In the Damaturu area, Lawan Kona took advantage of the confusion created in the aftermath of the Fulani wars and began to act as an independent ruler by refusing to recognise the authority of Sheikh Muhammad El-Kanemi. According to Adam, “His revolt was short-lived for, in 1826, he was killed in a battle commanded by El-Kanemi himself.” Similarly, Sheikh Yamnuk, an outstanding Shuwa Arab local leader settled on an island to the east of Lake Chad fuelled hostilities between Borno and the Bagirmi and Wadai. Due to the magnitude of the ensuing hostilities, Borno was forced to seek military aid from Yusuf Pasha of Tripoli. In a battle in 1824, the Bagirmi along with Sheikh Yamnuk were finally defeated.
Chapter six, entitled “The Shuwa Arabs under Rabih bin FadlAllah” discusses the emergence of this military adventurer and slave merchant from Sudan who invaded and ruled the Borno Empire between 1893 and 1990 establishing his headquarters at Dikwa. Rabih first joined the Anglo-Egyptian army but in 1863 joined Zubair Pasha, a leading ivory and slave merchant in Sudan who had an army numbering in the thousands. Following Pasha’s defeat by the Anglo-Egyptian forces, Rabih left with a section of the army towards the Lake Chad basin, plundering, acquiring more weapons and recruits as he moved through Wadai, Bagirmi and Kotoko kingdoms until he reached Borno in 1893.
Although, Kanem-Borno Empire fought several wars of consolidation and expansion against the Bulala, Wadai, Bagirmi, Kanembu, Tuaregs, Jukun, Mandara, Sau, Hausa, Musgu and Fulani, the most devastating had been the encounter with Rabih. It resulted not only in destruction, disruption and deprivation but also loss of sovereignty. The invader’s success was attributed to many factors including natural calamities such as famine, diseases and increased taxation by successive Sheikhs. The latter policy was hardest on the Arabs who possessed the largest number of livestock. Even more demoralising for the Arabs was their neglect by the successive heads of the three Shuwa ruling families who soon gave up pastoralism and scholarship for the luxurious court life. With their de-Arabisation through marriages and adoption of local cultures, the ruling families became detached from their rural kinsmen.
According to Adam, although the general belief is that the Shuwa Arabs considered Rabih as one of them and therefore joined him, “It was Rabih’s guns and canons that defeated the Borno army and not the Shuwa Arab lances and spears.” Moreover, some prominent Arab clans notably the Kawalme and the Salamat featured prominently on the side of Borno. Rabih took advantage of the deteriorated socioeconomic conditions and the widespread dissatisfaction among the citizens to launch a ‘jihad’ against corruption, injustice and immorality.
In several decisive battles fought around Ngala, his victorious forces forced Sheikh Hashimi to flee and paved the way for his occupation of Kukawa which he later abandoned and made his palace at Dikwa from where he reigned for seven years. However, Rabih’s taxation policy and the activities of his soldiers soon dissipated his popularity and the Shuwa Arabs and other citizens started yearning for his dethronement. The opportunity for change came with the European scramble for colonies in Africa at the end of the 19th Century.
Chapter seven on “European Colonial Intervention in Borno” noted how the Lake Chad basin was a prized target which the imperialists were fiercely competing to possess long before Rabih’s invasion.
The 1884 Berlin Conference resolved to partition Borno Empire into three spheres of influence – German, French and British. “However,” Adam wrote, “to take possession of their respective portions, they had to either collectively or individually face Rabih who had been averse to any sort of relationship with the Europeans.” In fact, Fernand De Behagle, a Frenchman and the only European known to have met Rabih at Dikwa, was executed by the latter in October 1899.
To enforce their claims on the territory, the French organised three different civilian and military expeditions to confront Rabih. In the initial encounters, the French forces suffered severe losses but in the third battle fought near Kousseri under the command of Colonel Gentil and Major Lamy, the French killed Rabih on the 22nd April 1900 ending his seven-year rule in Borno and the Lake Chad region.
Following the fall of Rabih, the French forces fished out Umar ibn Sheikh Ibrahim who was a refugee in Damagaram in Niger Republic and installed him as Sheikh on 5th June 1990. For restoring the dynasty, the French demanded him to pay 30,000 Marie Theresa Dollars and also surrender all the Shuwa Arabs residing west of the Lake Chad along with their cattle. Sheikh Umar paid part of the sum but “realising the economic significance of the Arabs, he obstructed their migration to the French, notwithstanding his grudges against them for their support to Rabih.”
However, Sheikh Umar was eventually removed and exiled to Congo for failing to fully settle the indemnity imposed by the French and obstructing the migration of the Arabs. They appointed his brother Sheikh Abubakar Garbai with the agreement that he was to settle the balance and move the Arabs to the French territory. Meanwhile, Rabih’s son FadlAllah who moved to the Adamawa region after his father’s death made frantic efforts to gain British recognition as the ruler of Borno. Encouraged by the British resident at Ibbi, FadlAllah marched unto Dikwa. His forces first defeated Sheikh Garbai’s army in an encounter near Maiduguri and in another battle near Dikwa the Borno army was not only defeated but Sheikh Garbai had to escape to Kanem. The French escorted Sheikh Garbai back to Dikwa and drove FadlAllah westwards where he was eventually killed near Gujba in August 1901 after series of encounters.
Undeterred, the Shuwa Arabs revolted against the conquerors and stood up in arms against the “nasara” (French) as earlier instigated by FadlAllah Ibn Rabih. During several encounters with the French forces in the Uda-Marte-Monguno axis, they killed several officers, soldiers and local allies of the colonialists. However, they were reportedly betrayed by one Sheikh Alkali wal Zakariya who yearned for French recognition as leader of the Arabs. In the second encounter which took place between Maiduguri and Monguno, the French killed hundreds of the Shuwa Arabs and looted thousands of their cattle.
Although, the intervention by the French in areas outside their spheres of control was a blatant violation of the Berlin Conference, it solved the knotty issue of taking out Rabih which both Britain and Germany had to tackle before ever establishing their control over Borno. However, with or without the intervention, the Borno Empire was as from 1900 divided among the three European colonial powers with sizeable populations of the Shuwa Arabs going each way.
By the early 1990s, the British and Germans made haste to occupy their respective territories. The British team led by Colonel Morland arrived Borno in March 1902 and invited Sheikh Garbai to rule in their portion of the Empire. The German team led by Colonel Pavel arrived Dikwa in April 1902 and recognised Sheikh Sanda, leading to the immediate departure of the French.
Sheikh Garbai was given free reign over British Borno and he directed his agents to raid the masses, mostly the rural Arabs. For instance, in one single raid on villages in the Gujba area, the head slave of the Sheikh confiscated over 1000 heads of cattle and scores of slaves. In German Borno, the Arabs were similarly badly treated. Many herdsmen were deprived of their cattle and often killed. German rule in Borno ended in 1916 following the country’s defeat by the Allied Forces but British takeover commenced fully in 1920.
In line with its policy of indirect rule, Britain relied on traditional leadership for administration of the Borno Emirate with the Sheikh as head of the Native Administration while the Resident and the District Officer “acted as watchdogs directing reforms and reporting developments to the High Commissioner.” The colonial administration soon discovered that the Arabs were being viciously persecuted by the Kanuri for having been “untrustworthy companions.” The Resident therefore placed them directly under the “white man” and directed that they should pay their taxes only through their respective clan Sheikhs. Similarly, the settlement of Arab legal cases by the “white man” fuelled distrust with the local administration.
The trust between the Arabs and the British was mutual. As Adam put it, “It also seemed apparent that the British were more inclined towards the Shuwa than the Kanuri in getting along as staff. It is said that the colonial officials found the Shuwa more receptive to other languages than the Kanuri and that the Arabs “learn and speak Hausa with much ease than even Kanuri language.” Accordingly, some Shuwa Arabs eventually got into the provincial colonial administration and in due course became leading community leaders.
The importance of the Arabs in the administration culminated in the appointment of Lawan Adam of the Kawalme clan as a third class chief and leader of the Shuwa Arabs in Borno on the 13th June 1904. However, he was killed by the Assala clan while on a mission to collect cattle taxes in 1906. The fact that he was succeeded by several Lawans showed that the Shuwa Arabs were administered outside the traditional system of the Kanem-Borno dynasty. The special attention was apparently informed by the immense tax accrued from them. For instance, in 1907 the Kawalme clan alone were assessed on 20,000 heads of cattle and 30,000 sheep and goats. In 1912, the Arabs were assessed for 30,913 cattle yielding revenue of £3,103,700. By 1924, there were estimated 601,418 Kanuri, 114,000 Arabs, 68,314 Burra and 50,000 Dikwa Hill tribes, 45,000 Fulani, 23,978 Margi and 13 minority tribes 135,757 or total of 1,038,967 people in the Borno Province.
Chapter eight entitled “Integration of Shuwa Arabs into the Local Administrative Structure in Borno,” noted that the colonial administration met a perfect administrative system but modified it by appointing resident and salaried District and Village Heads beginning from 1903. Appointees were drawn from the families of incumbent fief holders and were graded based on the size and populations of their territories. By 1909, there were 27 District Heads in Borno Emirate three being second class, four being third class while the rest were fourth class. The system also recognised 16 Shuwa Arab Lawans, all fifth class. As a matter of policy, the appointment of District Heads, particularly those settled by Arabs took cognisance of their connections to the people. Thus, Monguno, Marte, Konduga, Kaga and Uje Districts were led by members of the Ahmad Gonimi, Ibrahim Wadaima, Sharif Ijil and Muhammad Terab families.
By 2019, there were 59 District Heads in the Emirate with 18 being Shuwa Arabs. The titles of the Arab leaders were systematically changed because “the El-Kanemi administration in both Borno and Dikwa ensured that the title Sheikh, very common among the Arabs, that equates with Shehu, was systematically wiped away by the granting of such titles as Zanna to the Shuwa Arab Lawans.
The rest of the chapter lists clans, families and individuals appointed as District and Village Heads as well as Lawans and Sheikhs appointed from the colonial era and up to the year 2019. The author informed that “Though in most instances the positions are open to the highest bidders or most popular and influential in the community, in a number of cases the titles are retained within a particular family and thus passed from father to son or brother.”
“Shuwa Arab Adaptation to Environmental, Socioeconomic and Political Conditions in Borno” is the subject of chapter nine which explains why the nomads adapted a sedentary lifestyle. As they moved southwards, the Arabs faced challenging climatic, environmental and soil conditions creating livestock diseases. According to Adam, “This phenomenon not only forced the Arabs to device new ways of securing their livestock but to combine pastoralism with crop production – and hence became settled as agro-pastoralists. But those with greater number of animals still remained nomadic or semi-nomadic.”
The settlers received lands from the Mai/Sheikh and others made outright purchase from the original settlers. Settling side-by-side with the Kanuri inevitably led to the formation of symbiotic relationships expressed in trade, intermarriages, farming and so on. However, as Adam put, “Apart from practicing subsistence farming, rearing livestock and exchanging their dairy products for cash or goods, the typical Shuwa Arabs of ancient times and even now to some extent neither got involved nor bothered about political or economic activities taking place around them.”
In fact, Shuwa Arab movement to urban centres such as Gazargamu, Ngala, Dikwa, Marte, Mafa and Mofio started as a result of the Sayfawa rulers’ encouragement for the spread of literacy and Islamic education in the Borno Emirate. Thus, in the 18th Century when Sheikh Muhammad El-Kanemi settled variously at Ngala, Ngurno and finally Kukawa, the Arabs who joined him came to play very important political roles in the 19th Century Borno. The early urban settlers comprising scholars and seekers of higher education soon attracted their relations and other Arabs who frequented the urban centres for administrative purposes and others that came to buy and sell cattle.
After the defeat of Rabih and establishment of colonial rule in Borno, Yerwa-Maiduguri replaced Dikwa as the centre of political and socioeconomic activities which soon developed into a metropolis attracting people from diverse backgrounds including Shuwa Arabs. According to Adam, the push-factor of their migration and settlement in Maiduguri and other urban centres such as Bama, Monguno, Gamboru-Ngala, Ilorin, Lagos, Enugu, Umuahia in the 20th Century was the spells of intermittent drought, famine and outbreak of cattle diseases. The pull-factors included availability of government jobs in the construction of roads, railways and tin-mining as well as massive recruitment of soldiers by the Allied Nations for the First and Second World Wars. In contemporary times, the civil wars in Chad in the 1970s-80s, general insecurity in the Sahel region, shrinking of Lake Chad and absence of social amenities have also contributed to the rural-urban migration of the Arabs.
“Having settled in centres such as Maiduguri and Gamboru-Ngala in particular,” Adam wrote, “they eventually got involved in commerce and the pursuit of both Western and Islamic education and even venturing into other fields of endeavour such as politics and entrepreneurship. The first Arab settlers in Maiduguri included Abana Musa, Abba Tor Kasimi and Abba Ali Hamadmi who was the Lawan/Chima of Yerwa which comprises five wards – Shehuri, Mafoni, Afunori, Zango and Fezzan. Other Arabs settled at Hausari, Gwange, Gamboru, Dikwa Road, Zannari and old Maiduguri.
Other cities with significant Arab settlers in Nigeria include Enugu, Umuahia and Lagos where they play various roles as cattle-merchants, brokers and transporters. Adam argues here that “Though the Shuwa Arabs have not developed any urban centre of their own, they have been able to put life in all the places they have settled in. Their contributions in scholarship, politics, commerce, and entrepreneurship have led to the growth of not only their host communities but the nation as a whole.”
Shuwa Arab-Kanuri Relationship
Since their arrival in Borno, the Arabs have been living with the Kanuri and other ethnic groups such as the Kotoko, Gamergu, Bura and Mandara in peace and harmony. According to Adam, even though some Arabs assisted Rabih during his military intervention, the long-standing relationship between the Arabs and the Kanuri remained “cemented by inter-marriages, cultural exchanges and socioeconomic interdependence.” Both the Sayfawa and the El-Kanemi dynasties married from and into the Arabs. The author noted that “The intermarriages continue to this day but it is more of the Kanuri that go for Arab women than the Arabs… The main attraction has been the fairness and beauty of the Arab girls.”
The global phenomena of farmers-herdsmen disputes are well-managed based on understanding and mutual agreements. Nomads confine themselves to uncultivated lands and only move into farms after harvest or before the rains so that cattle dung could improve soil fertility. There are also clearly designated cattle routes for seasonal migration and access to markets.
The Arab nomads gradually diversified into commerce. From selling their livestock to Kanuri middlemen in local markets, they graduated to full-time cattle merchants conveying herds as far south as Enugu, Umuahia, Owerri, Ilorin, Ibadan and Lagos. Some of their livestock were imported from Cameroon, Chad and Sudan. In the early years before the development of rail and road transportation, the cattle were guided on foot to these markets. With the introduction of articulated vehicles, apprentice herders accompany the animals to the point-of-sale.
Apart from the cattle trade, urbanised Shuwa Arabs are also currently engaged in currency exchange, dealership in cement, imported vehicles, petroleum products, transportation, block-making, furniture production, etc. In agriculture, the Arabs are leading producers of guinea-corn. “Thus” according to the author, “hundreds of trailer-loads of guinea-corn produced by Shuwa Arabs and other farmers in the Balge and Ngumati areas are sent to all parts of the country, thereby contributing to the nation’s economy and food security in no small measure.” This chapter also lists hundreds of names of the most prominent Arabs engaged in all the businesses, enterprises and trades mentioned.
Politically, the Arabs participated in the independence struggle and establishment of the First Republic. Abba Habib was a founding member of the Northern People’s Congress and rose to become its Secretary-General. He was elected into the Northern House of Assembly in 1951 to represent Dikwa North Constituency and eventually became a Regional Minister. Other Arab members of the House included Abba Jato, Hayatu Jere and Abba Malam Terab. In the Second Republic, a Shuwa Arab and former Inspector-General of Police Alhaji Kam Salem was a member of the Constituent Assembly in 1977/78 and the Borno State gubernatorial candidate of the National Party of Nigeria in 1979. Alhaji Asheikh Jarma who was also a member of the Constituent Assembly and Minister of Works in the Second Republic was elected Governor of Borno State in 1983. Other prominent politicians were Musa Daggash, Lawan Badawi, Abba Gana Terab, and Dr. Muhammad Abba Aji who served as Senator between 2003 and 2007.
Adam summed the situation thus: “On the whole, it would be safe to say that the Shuwa Arabs, though not many, have been actively and progressively involved in the political and democratic processes of the nation from the colonial times to the present. Their collective and individual contributions as administrators and legislators have no doubt been a significant factor in the growth of Nigeria.”
However, their general complaint has been “neglect and maladministration” especially by the Dikwa and Adamawa traditional institutions. Their demands for separate chiefdoms and local government areas have been serially denied. This is partly a problem posed by the Arabs themselves who never had an overall leader for all the sub-tribes as obtained in other groups such as the Kanuri and Fulani. When the British colonial officials appointed Sheikh Adam, a Kawalme Arab from Monguno, as a third class chief in 1904, he was assassinated by the same Arabs and successive administrations never revisited the issue. In 1994, a proposal for the creation of the Balge and Ngumati Emirates for the Arabs submitted to then Head of State, General Sani Abacha was shot down after opposition from the Borno Emirate Council and also some Arabs who argued that “the Arabs do not accept any leader outside their respective clans!”
Nonetheless, Shuwa Arabs having embraced urbanisation especially since 1970s have been making advances in all fields of endeavour. According to Adam, “They have come to realise that regardless of clan or tribal affiliation, they should speak with one voice and thus the emergence of Al-Haya Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria.” This is a socio-cultural organisation formed in 1988 to promote the unity, progress and welfare of Shuwa Arabs throughout the country. Its first President was Alhaji Garba Tom with Alhaji Ali Kotoko, Alhaji Grema Muhammad, Malam Musa Daggash and ACP Baba Shuwa as Board of Trustees members.
Apart from fostering unity, the Al-Haya has mobilised members for increased school enrolment, diversification of economic activities and greater participation in political processes. Portraits of prominent Shuwa Arab personalities such as Asheikh Jarma, Dr. Maryam Sani Abacha, Sheikh Dudu, Alhaji Grema Muhammad, Zaki Al-Hashim, Arab Leader in Imo State and Sultan Jibrin Yaya, leader of the Shuwa Arabs in Lagos since 1988 close this chapter.
Chapter ten titled “Shuwa Arab Strides in Educational Development,” chronicles the contributions of Arab Islamic scholars to Kanem-Borno beginning in the Seventh Century AD. The most prominent of these scholars was Muhammad Ibn Mani through whose teachings the Sayfawa administration declared Islam as the state religion during the reign of Mai Ume Jilme (1086-1097 AD). The rulers also set up institutions and structures to expand the frontiers of Islam in all directions. They started performing pilgrimages to Makka and actively attracted scholars from across the Islamic world whom they exempted from civic obligations such as taxes and levies. With this, Qur’anic schools called Moranji or Sangaya appeared all over in Borno.
Though the Arab scholars did not participate in the Sayfawa administration, records indicate their involvement in the politics of the state. During the 17th Century, some of them preached openly against the excesses of the government. For instance, Sheikh Hassan Ibn Jirmi at-Tariki was so vociferous that he was executed by Mai Umar Ibn Idris (1625-1645) along with some of his students while others were dispersed.
The intervention by Sheikh Muhammad El-Kanemi attracted other scholars such as the three Shuwa Arab leaders mentioned earlier and they all continued to teach and guide the people until the outbreak of the Fulani jihad when they fought and defeated the invaders leading to their involvement in state affairs. The thousands of Arab followers that migrated at their instance not only brought in wealth in the form of livestock but scholarship as well. For instance, Goni Mindil who established the first Friday prayer mosque in Gamboru-Ngala was famous for teaching both Qur’an and Fiqh (jurisprudence). Similarly, Arab itinerant scholars and mobile schools soon became important features of most settlements such as Gazargamu, Ngurno, Dikwa, Ngala, Marte and Mofio.
The introduction of Western education in Borno Emirate with the opening of the first Provincial School in Maiduguri in 1915 was greeted with general apathy and even apprehension. Tagging it as the ‘education of the infidels’ most Arabs emigrated to avoid enrolment of their children while the wealthy offered only the offspring of their slaves. However, the resistance was short-lived because by 1918, 30 of the 38 students admitted into the school were Arabs. This sharp boost followed the recruitment of Sudanese teachers to teach Arabic since there was no Kanuri literature.
According to Adam, “This initiative appealed not only to the Shuwa Arabs but the Kanuri as well. For the teaching of Arabic facilitated the understanding of Islamic teachings as well as maintenance of proper records in the Native Authority Courts and the Treasury.” Soon, Rural Elementary Schools were opened in Dikwa and Jere. The persistence of the British was informed partly by the fact that nomads whose children were enrolled in school stayed around and paid their taxes!
The establishment of Katsina College in 1921, then Teacher Training College Bauchi and the Borno Middle School in 1930 facilitated the participation of Shuwa Arab students in higher education. The first generation students such as Abba Habib (teacher), Jidda Jere (pharmacist), Musa Daggash (forester), Kam Salem (policeman), Muhammad Shuwa (soldier) and Dungus Borno (journalist) ended up as renowned professionals. Following this success, more schools were opened in Arab populated areas including Gulumba, Kala, Mafa, Kumshe and Marte.
In contemporary time, the most outstanding Shuwa Arab scholar not only in Borno but nationally and internationally is Sheikh Sheriff Ibrahim Saleh. His Sangaya located in the Gwange area of Maiduguri is a centre of excellence which attracts scholars from far and near. Ditto his Al-Nahda Islamic Centre which offers both Islamic and Western education up to secondary school level and has produced prominent jurists, teachers and doctors working nationwide. Currently, the Grand Khadi of Borno State, the Khadi of the Sharia Appeal Court and a big chunk of Area Court and Upper Area Court judges in the state are Arabs.
Other Western-educated Arabs who contributed to national development in recent times include Air Marshal Al-Amin Daggash (retired), Abba Gana Terab, Justice Jiddum Muhammad, Khadi Umar Ramat, Senator Muhammad Abba Aji, Professor Adam Abdullahi and the late Abba Kyari Chima, Chief of Staff to former President Muhammadu Buhari. However, despite the remarkable output, millions of rural Shuwa Arab children as opposed to those in urban centres still have little or no access to formal schools. This is a telling failure of national intervention programmes such as the Universal Basic Education (UBE) and the Nomadic Education Programme. It is also an indictment of successive state governments.
Chapter 11 captioned “Classification of the Shuwa Arabs in Borno” is a discourse on the two ethnic stocks that compose the Arab race. These are the Al-Arabul-Ariba or the aboriginal stock descended from Qahtan, the principal founder of the race and the Al-Arabul-Musta-Ariba or the mixed Arabs who are descendants of Adnan, a son of the Prophet Ismail (peace be upon him).
Qahtan had two sons – Yarub who founded Yemen and Jurham who populated Al-Hijaz which is the present day Saudi Arabia. The marriage between Jurham’s grand-daughter from his son Muzaz and the Prophet Ismail produced the Adnani stock which multiplied into several tribes as well. Thus, the Arabs despite their location derived from the same root.
Quoting sources such as Hitti and Hughes, Adam supplies the names of the Arab ancestors dating back from Adnan born in 122BC to Abdullahi ibn Abdul-Mutalib, father of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) born in 538AD. The genealogies of the Shuwa Arabs in Borno who are linked to Ali Ibn Abu Talib are derived from written sources kept by the scholars and oral traditions passed on by their respective Sheikhs. Thus, according to Sheikh Ibrahim Saleh most of the Arabs from Sudan to Borno are from the Jurham stock. These are further divided into five tribes namely Kawalme, Alejedum, Juhayna, Khuzaymah and Tunjur.
The tribes are further divided into clans based on bloodlines with each headed by its Sheikh. The clans are named after their most prominent ancestor who stood out for strong character, immense wealth or great influence. However, the differences are considered as purely an internal matter as the Shuwa Arabs consider themselves as one big family who trace their genealogy to the Quraysh.
In particular, the Kawalme and Sharoffa are said to be descendants of Ali Ibn Abu Talib of the Banu Hashim branch of Quraysh and are mostly settled in Ngala, Monguno, Jere, Marte and Maiduguri Local Government Areas. Written genealogies show the Kawalme trace their lineage directly to Hassan, the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) and the Sharoffa to his brother Hussein. The Kawalme who are further divided into eight sub-clans are also found in Sudan, Chad and Cameroon.
Classification of the Arabs will not be complete without a word on the “Shuwa Arab affiliates” who according to Adam are “descendants of slaves once owned by the Shuwa Arabs.” They are drawn from the Mandara, Musgu, Wula, Gamergu and others. Colonial records reveal the Shuwa Arabs were serially involved in slavery both before and even after the coming of the colonialists. The slaves catered for their children, cooked their meals, grazed the cattle, hawked dairy products and tilled the farms. Following the termination of the institution, the ex-slaves with no land or cattle of their own, moved to urban centres and served as casual workers, labourers, hunters, musicians, etc. The author informed that though these people are generally referred to as “Mbukti” and “Burokola” the Shuwa Arabs courteously refer to them as “Alhayan” or “Ikhwan” meaning brothers, a name they prefer the most.
Chapter 12 on “Shuwa Arab Achievers” starts by noting their offerings in terms of wealth, scholarship and soldiering in the founding, consolidation and continued growth of the Borno Emirate. It also chronicles contributors to contemporary national development as administrators, jurists, scholars, professionals and security personnel from the colonial era to the post-independence period.
Some of the 63 major personalities profiled are Abba Muhammad Habib, Muhammad Dungus, Malam Ibrahim Wuled, Malam Hayatu Jere, Malam Musa Daggash, Alhaji Kam Salem, Major-General Muhammad Shuwa, Alhaji Asheikh Jarma, Lawan Badawi, Ambassador Mustafa Sale, Air Marshall Al-Amin Daggash, Mrs Maryam Abacha, Sheikh Sheriff Ibrahim Saleh and Alhaji Ali Kotoko. Others are Hajiya Binta Toma Ibrahim, Barma Adam, Bakari Alhaji Musa, Umar Maina Isa, Malam Kari Dikwa, Malam Adam Kumshe, Professor Fanna Inna Abdul-Rahman, Deputy Inspector-General of Police Ahmed Abdul-Kadir and Professor Isa Hussaini Marte, the current Chief of Staff, Government House, Borno State.
Chapter 13 captioned “Conclusion” is a round-up of the entire corpus from the initial ancestors’ migration from the Arabian Peninsula to their settlement in Borno and beyond. The Arab migration followed the conquest of Egypt by the Muslim army in the Seventh Century AD. Belonging to the two branches of the Arab race (Northern and Southern), the migrants first settled in Egypt as fighters, Islamic missionaries, merchants and nomads before spreading southwards to Sudan, Darfur, Wadai, Bagirmi and Borno.
According to Adam, Arabs made their presence felt in the region on account of the enormous wealth in livestock and Islamic knowledge they brought. The assistance they rendered to Sheikh Muhammad El-Kanemi made them the “stalwart bulwark for El-Kanemi’s power” and secured their positions in the administration as kingmakers and councillors in the Borno Emirate Council.
Arab migration into urban centres from the 20th Century made them more of a settled than nomadic people. With increasing education and exposure, they are rapidly moving away from pastoralism to diversified entrepreneurship. Still, their ownership of millions of heads of cattle means they are one of the wealthiest and significant contributors to the Nigerian economy. As Adam put it, “Besides, with the increasing number of Arab entrepreneurs and emerging academics, they are indeed a force to reckon with.”
Join Daily Trust WhatsApp Community For Quick Access To News and Happenings Around You.
